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Chapter 11 Stored Procedures and Triggers
1. A database programming language allows a program to combine procedural statements with non-procedural
database access.
True False
2. Due to the growth of online database processing and commercial Web commerce, batch processing is no
longer an important method to process database work.
True False
3. Transitive closure, an important operation for queries involving self-referencing relationships, is supported by
most SQL implementations.
True False
4. Portability across host languages is one advantage of using the statement level interface language style.
True False
5. Because the optimization process can consume considerable computing resources, it is usually desirable to
determine the access plan at run-time using dynamic statement binding.
True False
6. In the SQL:2003 specification, a statement level interface can support both static and dynamic binding, while
a call level interface supports only dynamic binding.
True False
7. For procedures and triggers stored in a database, the database connection is explicit.
True False
8. Triggers provide reuse of common code, while stored procedures provide rule processing for common tasks.
True False

9. A Database Programming Language is a procedural language with an interface to one or more DBMSs. The
interface allows a program to combine procedural statements with nonprocedural database access.
True False
10. A Call-Level Interfaceis a language style for integrating a programming language with a nonprocedural
language such as SQL. A statement-level interface involves changes to the syntax of a host programming
language to accommodate embedded SQL statements.
True False
11. Dynamic binding involves the determination of the access plan at compile time.
True False
12. Procedures and functions are executed by the rule system of the DBMS not by explicit calls as for triggers.
True False
13. Since PL/SQL is a block structured language, all code blocks must have unique names in order to execute in
SQL*Plus.
True False
14. When writing a PL/SQL procedure, it is good practice to include length constraints in the data type
specifications for parameters.
True False
15. To catch a specific error in a stored procedure, you should use a predefined exception or create a
user-defined exception.
True False
16. An important benefit of PL/SQL functions is that they can be used as expressions in SELECT statements.
True False
17. An explicit cursor cannot use parameters for non-constant search values in the associated SELECT
statement.
True False

18. All objects in a package interface are public.
True False
19. To use the objects in a package, you must use the package name before the object name.
True False
20. Because the SQL:1999 trigger specification was defined in response to vendor implementation, most trigger
implementations adhere to the SQL:1999 specification.
True False
21. The body of a trigger is similar to other PL/SQL blocks, except that triggers have more restrictions on the
statements in a block.
True False
22. Like procedures, triggers can be tested directly by executing them in SQL*Plus.
True False
23. Since the number of triggers is a complicating factor in understanding the interaction among triggers, it is
always better to create a few large triggers instead of many smaller triggers.
True False
24. You can encounter mutating table errors in trigger execution, regardless of the DBMS they are executed on.
True False
25. For most triggers, you can avoid mutating table errors by using statement triggers with new and old values.
True False
26. What is the primary motivation for using a database programming language?
A. Customization.
B. Batch processing.
C. Complex operations.
D. All of the above.

27. The two language styles provided by SQL:2003 for integrating a procedural language with SQL are:
A. Statement level interface and function level interface.
B. Procedural level interface and trigger level interface.
C. Statement level interface and call level interface.
D. None of the above.
28. Which of the following is true of a statement level interface?
A. It is more difficult to learn and use than a CLI.
B. It is available only for proprietary languages.
C. It includes a set of procedures and a set of type definitions for manipulating the results of SQL statements in
computer programs.
D. It involves changes to the syntax of a host programming language to accommodate embedded SQL.
29. For statement level interfaces, SQL:2003 provides statements to:
A. Declare cursors.
B. Position cursors.
C. Retrieve values from cursors.
30. As with other programming languages, in PL/SQL the IF-THEN-ELSE statement construct is:
A. A comparison operator.
B. A conditional statement.
C. A logical operator.
31. With regards to conditional decision making in PL/SQL, which statement is true?
A. A condition must evaluate to TRUE or FALSE.
B. Complex conditions are evaluated left to right, and this order cannot be altered.
C. Conditions are evaluated using three-value logic.
D. There is a limit to the number of statements that can be used between the THEN and END-IF keywords.
32. Which of the following is true of PL/SQL iteration statements?
A. The FOR LOOP iterates until a stopping condition is false.
B. The WHILE LOOP iterates over a range of integer values.
C. The LOOP statement iterates until an EXIT statement ceases termination.

33. A PL/SQL block contains:
A. A required declaration section, a required executable section, and an optional exception section.
B. An optional declaration section, a required executable section, and an optional exception section.
C. A required declaration section, a required executable section, and a required exception section.
D. An optional declaration section, a required executable section, and a required exception section.
34. Which of the following is the reason the DBMS, instead of the programming environment, manages stored
procedures?
A. A DBMS can compile the programming language code along with the SQL statements in a stored procedure.
B. Since they are stored on the server, stored procedures allow flexibility for client-server development.
C. Database administrators can manage stored procedures with the same tools for managing other parts of the
database.
35. A database connection identifies the database used by an application. A database connection can be
________ or ________.
A. implicit/explicit
B. internal/external
C. implicit/dynamic
D. virtual/dynamic
36. In PL/SQL, a function is used instead of a procedure when:
A. You want to manipulate output variables.
B. You want to produce a side effect.
C. You are returning a single value.
D. You want to return more than one result.
37. In PL/SQL, functions should:
A. Always use input parameters.
B. Contain a parameter list.
C. Generate an output value using a RETURN statement.

CREATE OR REPLACE FUNCTION fn_RetrieveStudentName
(aStdSSN IN Student.StdSSN%Type) RETURN VARCHAR2 IS
aFirstName Student.StdFirstName%Type;
aLastName Student.StdLastName%Type;
BEGIN
SELECT StdFirstName, StdLastName
INTO aFirstName, aLastName
FROM Student
WHERE StdSSN = aStdSSN;
RETURN(aLastName || ', ' || aFirstName);
EXCEPTION
WHEN No_Data_Found THEN
RETURN(NULL);
WHEN OTHERS THEN
raise_application_error(-20001, 'Database error.');
END;
/
38. The PL/SQL code block above is an example of:
A. An anonymous block.
B. A PL/SQL package.
C. A PL/SQL function.
39. In the PL/SQL code block above, aStdSSN is:
A. A return variable.
B. An input parameter.
C. A column in the Student table.
40. Based on the PL/SQL code block above, if there is not a SSN in the Student table which matches the value
provided:
A. The code will return the name of the Student record that is the closest numeric match.
B. The code will raise an application error.
C. The code will stop executing without any explanation.
D. The code will return NULL.
41. The PL/SQL code block above:
A. Declares and opens an explicit cursor.
B. Declares and opens an implicit cursor.
C. Does not use a cursor.

42. The PL/SQL statement "FOR StudentRec IN SELECT StudentID FROM StudentTable" is an example of:
A. An implicit cursor.
B. An explicit cursor.
C. A dynamic cursor.
D. This statement does not define a cursor.
43. In the use of an explicit cursor, which 3 statements replace the FOR statement of an implicit cursor?
A. OPEN, FIND, and CLOSE.
B. OPEN, FETCH, and CLOSE.
C. OPEN, GET, and CLOSE.
D. CONNECT, FIND, and CLOSE.
44. Which of the following is not a common cursor attribute?
A. %IsOpen.
B. %IsNotOpen.
C. %Found.
D. %NotFound.
45. One of the advantages of using a package over procedures and functions is:
A. A package supports a larger unit of modularity.
B. Packages provide easier reuse of code.
C. Packages reduce software maintenance costs.
46. For each object defined in a package interface, the package body must define:
A. A private object.
B. An implementation.
C. A cursor.
D. An exception handler.
47. Which of the following is not a typical use for triggers:
A. Complex integrity constraints.
B. Update propagation.
C. Exception reporting.
D. All of the above are typical uses for triggers.

48. To control complexity among a collection of triggers, which guideline(s) should be followed?
A. Use data manipulation statements primarily in BEFORE triggers.
B. For triggers that fire on UPDATE statements, do not list the columns to which the trigger applies.
C. Be cautious about creating triggers on tables affected by actions on referenced rows.
49. A trigger execution procedure can be affected by which of the following?
A. The DBMS the triggers are executed on.
B. The type of data manipulation statements specified in a trigger.
C. Foreign key constraints on referenced rows.
50. In the case of overlapping triggers, which of the following is true?
A. The firing order is predictable and can be depended on to be the same every time.
B. The firing order has not been specified for SQL:2003.
C. The firing order is the same for all DBMSs.
51. Mutating table errors:
A. Can occur when one table is cloned from another.
B. Can occur in trigger actions with SQL statements on the target table or related tables affected by DELETE
CASCADE actions.
C. Never occur in Oracle databases.
52. A _____________________ is a procedural language with an interface to one or more DBMSs.
________________________________________
53. To support customized code, most database application development tools use a coding style known as
_________________.
________________________________________
54. A(n) _____________ level interface is a language style that involves changes to the syntax of a host
programming language to accommodate embedded SQL statements.
________________________________________

55. Open Database Connectivity (ODBC) and Java Database Connectivity (JDBC) are the most widely used
_____________ level interfaces.
________________________________________
56. The concept of ______________ for a database programming language involves the association of an SQL
statement with its access plan.
________________________________________
57. A(n) ______________ is a construct in a database programming language that allows for storage and
iteration of a set of records returned by a SELECT statement.
________________________________________
58. A ______________ can be implicit or explicit.
________________________________________
59. In PL/SQL, a(n) _____________ statement is comprised of a variable, the assignment symbol, and an
expression.
________________________________________
60. In a PL/SQL IF statement, the keywords AND, OR and NOT are ____________ operators.
________________________________________
61. An unnamed PL/SQL block of code, which is useful for testing procedures and triggers, is known as a(n)
_________ block.
________________________________________
62. The common SQL*Plus command used to list the columns of a table is ___________.
________________________________________
63. The common SQL*Plus command used to display compilation errors is ___________________.
________________________________________

64. In a stored procedure, a(n) _____________ parameter should have a value provided outside the procedure
but it can be changed inside the procedure.
________________________________________
65. Functions should be usable in expressions, i.e. a function call can be replaced by the __________ it returns.
________________________________________
66. In the body of a function, a(n) ______________ statement is used to generate the function's output value.
________________________________________
67. A package ________________ contains the definitions of procedures and functions along with other objects
that can be specified in the DECLARE section of a PL/SQL block.
________________________________________
68. A package ________________ contains the private details of a package.
________________________________________
69. Inside a package implementation, each procedure or function must be terminated by a(n) _____________
statement containing the procedure or function name.
________________________________________
70. An event-condition-action rule managed by a DBMS is another name for a ____________.
________________________________________
71. Integrity constraints that compare the values before and after an update to a table occurs are called
___________.
________________________________________
72. The _________________ of a trigger involves the keywords BEFORE, AFTER, or INSTEAD OF, along
with a triggering event using the keywords INSERT, UPDATE, or DELETE.
________________________________________

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73. If you omit the keywords FOR EACH ROW from a trigger specification, the trigger by default becomes
a(n) _____________ trigger.
________________________________________
74. The ______________________________ specifies the order of execution among the various kinds of
triggers, integrity constraints, and database manipulation statements.
________________________________________
75. Two triggers with the same timing, granularity, and applicable table ______________ if an SQL statement
may cause both triggers to fire.
________________________________________
76. When a procedure calls itself, this is known as ______________________.
________________________________________

Chapter 11 Stored Procedures and Triggers Key
1. A database programming language allows a program to combine procedural statements with non-procedural
database access.
TRUE
Level: Medium
Mannino - Chapter 11 #1
2. Due to the growth of online database processing and commercial Web commerce, batch processing is no
longer an important method to process database work.
FALSE
Batch processing continues to be an important way to process database work.
Level: Easy
3. Transitive closure, an important operation for queries involving self-referencing relationships, is supported by
most SQL implementations.
FALSE
Transitive closure is not supported by most SQL implementations.
Level: Medium
4. Portability across host languages is one advantage of using the statement level interface language style.
FALSE
The statement level interface is not portable.
Level: Medium

5. Because the optimization process can consume considerable computing resources, it is usually desirable to
determine the access plan at run-time using dynamic statement binding.
FALSE
It is usually desirable to determine the access plan at compile time.
Level: Easy
6. In the SQL:2003 specification, a statement level interface can support both static and dynamic binding, while
a call level interface supports only dynamic binding.
TRUE
Level: Hard
7. For procedures and triggers stored in a database, the database connection is explicit.
FALSE
The database connection is implicit.
Level: Easy
8. Triggers provide reuse of common code, while stored procedures provide rule processing for common tasks.
FALSE
Stored procedures provide reuse of common code, while triggers provide rule processing for common tasks.
Level: Easy
9. A Database Programming Language is a procedural language with an interface to one or more DBMSs. The
interface allows a program to combine procedural statements with nonprocedural database access.
TRUE
Level: Medium

10. A Call-Level Interfaceis a language style for integrating a programming language with a nonprocedural
language such as SQL. A statement-level interface involves changes to the syntax of a host programming
language to accommodate embedded SQL statements.
FALSE
This is the definition of a Statement-Level Interface.
Level: Medium
11. Dynamic binding involves the determination of the access plan at compile time.
FALSE
Static binding involves the determination of the access plan at compile time.
Level: Hard
12. Procedures and functions are executed by the rule system of the DBMS not by explicit calls as for triggers.
TRUE
Triggers are executed by the rule system of the DBMS.
Level: Easy
13. Since PL/SQL is a block structured language, all code blocks must have unique names in order to execute in
SQL*Plus.
FALSE
Anonymous, or unnamed, blocks can be executed in SQL*Plus.
Level: Medium

14. When writing a PL/SQL procedure, it is good practice to include length constraints in the data type
specifications for parameters.
FALSE
You do not provide length in the specification of the data type for a parameter.
Level: Medium
15. To catch a specific error in a stored procedure, you should use a predefined exception or create a
user-defined exception.
TRUE
Level: Medium
16. An important benefit of PL/SQL functions is that they can be used as expressions in SELECT statements.
TRUE
Level: Medium
17. An explicit cursor cannot use parameters for non-constant search values in the associated SELECT
statement.
FALSE
Level: Hard
18. All objects in a package interface are public.
TRUE
Level: Medium
19. To use the objects in a package, you must use the package name before the object name.
TRUE
Level: Easy

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"History of the Turks;" Daniel with his "History of England" to the
reign of Edward III.; and Thomas May, with the "History of the Long
Parliament," and his "Breviary of the History of Parliament," two
invaluable works. Camden's "Britannia" and "Annals" appeared at
this epoch. Various chronicles were also issued at this period—Hall's
"Union of the Families of York and Lancaster," Grafton's "Chronicle,"
Holinshed's, and Baker's. The works of Stow and Speed appeared in
the early part of it,—Stow's "Summary of the English Chronicles," in
1565; his "Annals," 1573; his "Flores Historiarum," an enlarged
edition of his chronicle, 1600; his "Survey of London," 1598. Speed's
"Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain" belongs to 1606; and his
"History of Great Britain" to 1614. Besides these appeared the
"Memoirs" of Rushworth. Thurloe's and Whitelock's were written, but
did not appear till a later period. The commencement of the Long
Parliament marked also a remarkable era, that of the first English
newspapers, under the name of "Diurnals," or daily records of
Parliamentary proceedings. The idea once started, newspapers
rapidly spread, so that between the Civil War and the Restoration,
nearly two hundred were published, but none more frequently than
once a week for some time, nor afterwards oftener than twice or
three times a week. It was, moreover, an age of political tracts and
pamphlets. In science the discovery of the circulation of the blood by
Harvey, and the invention of logarithms by Napier, were the great
events of that department. On the whole, the intellectual
development of the age was as great and marvellous as was its
political advance. To no other modern nation can we point, which in
one and the same period has produced three such men as
Shakespeare, Milton, and Bacon, amid a host of lesser, but scarcely
less precious lights, at the same time that it was working out one of
the most stupendous revolutions in human government, and the
imperishable principles of it, that the world has seen. On reviewing
this period, well might Wordsworth exclaim:—

"Great men have been amongst us; hands that
penned,
And tongues that uttered wisdom, better none;
The later Sydney, Marvell, Harrington,
Young Vane, and others who called Milton friend.
These moralists could act and comprehend;
They knew how genuine glory is put on;
Taught us how rightfully a nation shone
In splendour."
And well did he add:—
"We must be free, or die, who speak the tongue
That Shakespeare spoke: the faith and morals hold
That Milton held. In everything we are sprung
Of earth's best blood—have titles manifold."
Some of the eminent musical composers already mentioned (See
Vol. II., pp. 378-9) continued to embellish the reign of James.
Amongst these were Ford, Ward, Weelkes, and Orlando Gibbons.
The first three are distinguished for their madrigals, and Weelkes for
ballads, which are unrivalled. Ward's "Die not, Fond Man," is still as
popular as ever. Gibbons composed both madrigals and cathedral
music. He was organist of the Royal Chapel, and was made Doctor
of Music by the University of Oxford. The sacred music of Gibbons is
enough of itself to exempt England from the often advanced charge
of being unmusical. In 1622, Dr. Heyther, a friend of Camden, the
antiquary, established a professorship of music at Oxford. Charles I.
was not only fond of music, but played himself with considerable skill
on the viol da gamba. Dr. William Child, himself an excellent
composer, was the organist of his chapel, and Lawes, the friend of
Milton, who is referred to in his sonnets and in "Comus," was
patronised by him. Lawes was greatly admired, and justly, by other
poets, especially Herrick and Waller. Charles I., however, set a bad

example, by encouraging foreign musicians instead of his own
subjects. He made Lanieri, an Italian, a man in real musical science
far inferior to several Englishmen then living, "Master of our Music,"
and his example was only too diligently followed by princes and
nobles in after times.
WILLIAM HARVEY.
[See larger version]
The rise of the Commonwealth was the fall of music in England. The
stern Puritans, and especially the Scottish Presbyterians, who
dubbed an organ "a kist o' whistles," denounced all music as
profane, and drove organs and orchestras from the churches.
Nothing was tolerated but a simple psalm tune. Cromwell, however,
did not partake of this fanaticism. He was fond of music, and

frequently had musical entertainments at Whitehall and Hampton
Court. The great organ which had been pulled out of Magdalen
College, Oxford, he had carefully conveyed to Hampton Court, where
it was one of his greatest solaces. Under Cromwell the lovers of
music brought out their concealed instruments, and there was once
more not only domestic enjoyment of music, but open musical
parties.
REDUCED FACSIMILE OF FRONT PAGE OF NO. 26 OF "A PERFECT
DIURNALL." (About three-fourths the size of the original.)
If the Civil War in England was auspicious to liberty, it was disastrous
to art. From the time of Henry VIII. the British monarchs had shown
a decided taste for the arts. Henry had munificently patronised
Holbein, and had made various purchases of foreign chefs-d'œuvre.

Prince Henry inherited the taste of his mother, instead of the coarse
buffoonery of his father, and showed a strong attachment to men of
genius and to works of genius. He began a collection of paintings,
bronzes, and medals, which fell to his brother Charles. Charles was
an enthusiast in art, and had he not possessed his fatal passion for
despotism, would have introduced a new era in England as regarded
intellectual and artistic pursuits. The study of Italian models, both in
literature and art, by the aristocracy, enabled the nobles to embrace
the tastes of the monarch; and England would soon have seen the
fine arts flourishing to a degree which they had never enjoyed
before, and which would have prevented the dark ages that
succeeded. During Charles's early rule the greatest artists of the
Continent flocked over to England, and found a liberal reception
there. Rubens, Vandyck, Jansen, Vansomer, Mytens, Diepenbeck,
Pölemberg, Gentileschi, and others visited London, and Vandyck, the
greatest of them all, remained permanently. The works of Vandyck,
in England, are numerous, and if we except his famous picture of
"The Crucifixion" at Mechlin, we possess the best of his productions.
At Windsor Castle, Hampton Court, Blenheim, Wilton House, and
Wentworth House, the bulk of his finest pictures are to be seen. His
portraits of our princes and the chief nobility of the time are familiar
to all English eyes, and place him only second to Titian in that
department. At Wilton House alone there are twenty-five of
Vandyck's paintings; the portrait of Philip, Earl of Pembroke, with his
family, is declared by Walpole to be itself a school of this master. His
dramatic portrait of Strafford and his secretary, Mainwaring, at
Wentworth House, Walpole asserts to be his masterpiece. Charles
had proposed to him to paint the history of the Order of the Garter
on the walls of the Banqueting House at Whitehall, but the sum he
demanded—said to be eighty thousand pounds, but more probably a
misprint for eight thousand pounds—caused Charles to delay it, and
his political troubles soon put an end to the scheme. He painted
several pictures of Charles on horseback, one of which is at Windsor,
and another at Hampton Court.

Rubens came to England only as an ambassador, but Charles seized
the opportunity to get him to paint the apotheosis of James, on the
ceiling of the Banqueting House at Whitehall. This he, however,
merely sketched whilst in London and painted it at Antwerp,
receiving three thousand pounds for it. The Duke of Buckingham
purchased Rubens's private collection of pictures, chiefly of the
Italian school, but containing some of his own, for ten thousand
pounds. These were sold by the Long Parliament, and now adorn the
palaces of the Escurial at Madrid, and the Belvedere at Vienna. The
large pictures in the latter gallery, "St. Francis Xavier preaching to
the Indians," and "Loyola casting out Devils," are amongst the very
finest of his productions.
Charles, besides making collections, and drawing round him great
artists, projected the establishment of an academy of arts on a
princely scale. But this remained only an idea, through the breaking
out of the Revolution. Parliament, in 1645, caused all such pictures
at Whitehall as contained any representation of the Saviour or the
Virgin to be burnt, and the rest to be sold. Fortunately there were
persons in power who had more rational notions, and much was
saved. Cromwell himself secured the cartoons of Raphael for three
hundred pounds, and thus preserved them to the nation, and as
soon as he had the authority, he put a stop to the sale of the royal
collections, and even detained many pictures that had been sold.
The native artists of this period were chiefly pupils of Rubens or
Vandyck. Jamesone, called the Scottish Vandyck, was a pupil of
Rubens at the same time with Vandyck—Charles sat to him. William
Dobson, a pupil of Vandyck, was serjeant-painter to Charles, and
Robert Walker, of the Vandyck school, was Cromwell's favourite
painter, to whom we owe several admirable portraits of the
Protector. There were also several miniature painters of the highest
merit—the two Olivers, Hoskins, and Cooper.
Up to this period engravings had become by no means prominent in
England. That there had been engravers we know from various
books having been illustrated by them. Geminus and Humphrey

Lloyd were employed by Ortelius, of Antwerp, on his "Theatrum
Orbis Terrarum." Aggas had executed a great plan of London, and
Saxon county maps. Various Flemish and French engravers found
employment, as Vostermans, De Voerst, and Peter Lombard. Hollar,
a Bohemian, was employed extensively till the outbreak of the Civil
War, and illustrated Dugdale and other writers. But the chief English
engraver of this period was John Payne.
Sculpture was by no means in great advance at this period. There
were several foreign artists employed in England on tombs and
monuments, but as they did not at that date put their names upon
them, it is difficult to attribute to every man his own. Amongst these
Le Sœur, who executed the equestrian statue of Charles I. at
Charing Cross, Angier, and Du Val were the chief. John Stone, master
mason to the king, was by far the most skilful native sculptor.
Amongst his best efforts are the monuments of Sir George Holles at
Westminster, and the statue of Sir Finnes Holles, also at
Westminster. Sir Dudley Carleton's tomb at Westminster, and
Sutton's tomb at the Charterhouse are also his. But the greatest
boon to sculpture was the introduction at this period, by the Earl of
Arundel, of the remains of ancient art, hence called the Arundel
Marbles.
This was the epoch of the commencement of classical architecture.
The grand old Anglo-Gothic had run its course. It fell with the
Catholic Church, or continued only in a mongrel and degraded state,
showing continually the progress of its decline. From Henry VIII. to
James this state of things continued; the miserable tasteless style,
which succeeded the downfall of the picturesque Tudor, being the
only architecture. The change to the classical was destined to be
made by Inigo Jones, whose is the great name of this period. Jones
had studied in Italy, and became aware of the graceful style which
Vitruvius had introduced by modulation of the ancient Greek and
Roman, and which Palladio had raised to perfection. The merit of
Jones is that he imported Palladio's style substantially and
completely, ready as it was to his hands, and wholly unknown in
England. By this means Jones acquired a reputation for genius to

which nothing that he has left justifies his claim. He was first
engaged in designing the scenery and machinery of the masques
which Ben Jonson wrote for the queen of James I. He was appointed
architect to the queen and Prince Henry. On the death of the prince
he went back to Italy, but on his return to London he was appointed
Surveyor-General of the Royal Buildings. The first thing which he
planned was the design for an immense palace for James on the site
of Whitehall. There is a simple grandeur in the drawings of it which
are left, which may fairly entitle him to a reputation for the
introduction of an elegant domestic architecture, although it does
not warrant the extravagant terms of eulogy which have been
lavished on him. The only portion of this palace which was built is
the Banqueting House (afterwards the Chapel Royal) at Whitehall,
being the termination of the great façade, and which contains
nothing very remarkable. Jones added a chapel to Somerset House,
and a west front to St. Paul's, neither of which remains. That he was
far from having conceived the true principles of architecture was
shown by the fact that his west front of Old St. Paul's was a classical
one engrafted on a Gothic building, and this solecism he was
continually repeating. One of the most glaring instances of the kind
is a classical screen which he raised in the Norman Cathedral of
Durham. Amongst the chief remaining buildings of Inigo Jones from
which an idea of his talent may be drawn, are the Piazza and St.
Paul's Church, Covent Garden, of which Quatremere de Quincy says
that the most remarkable thing about it is the reputation that it
enjoys; Ashburnham House, Westminster; a house on the west side
of Lincoln's Inn Fields originally built for the Earl of Lindsay; an
addition to St. John's College, Oxford; and by far his finest work,—if
his it be, which is doubtful—Heriot's Hospital at Edinburgh. He also
superintended the erection of Old Greenwich Palace.
The general aspect of the towns and streets remained the same at
this period as in the former. James issued proclamation after
proclamation, ordering the citizens to leave off the half-timbered
style, and build the fronts, at least, entirely of brick or stone; but this

was little attended to, and many a strange old fabric continued to
show the fashions of past ages.
If we are to believe the memoir writers and dramatists of this
period, the national manners and morals had suffered a decided
deterioration. Licentious as was the court of Queen Elizabeth, there
was a certain dignity and outward decorum preserved, but James
introduced such coarseness and grossness of manner, such low
debauch and buffoonery, that even the salutary restraint which
fashion had imposed was stripped away, and all classes exhibited the
most revolting features. In the reign of Henry, Edward, and
Elizabeth, we had such women as the daughters of Sir Thomas
More, Lady Jane Grey, Catherine Parr, and others, who cultivated
literature and philosophy, the Queens Mary and Elizabeth themselves
setting the example in reading and translating the most illustrious
classical authors. But after James came in, notwithstanding all his
learned pedantry, you hear nothing more of such tastes amongst the
Court ladies, and it is very singular that amid that blaze of genius
which distinguished the time under review, we find no traces of
feminine genius there. On the contrary, both English dramatists and
foreign writers describe the morals and manners of women of rank
as almost destitute of delicacy and probity. They are described as
mingling with gentlemen in taverns amid tobacco smoke, songs, and
conversation of the most ribald character. They allowed liberties
which would startle women of the lowest rank in these times, were
desperate gamblers, and those who had the opportunity were
wholesale dealers in political influence. Gondomar, the Spanish
ambassador, boasts of the effect of the bribes that he was
accustomed to distribute amongst them. Whilst such women as the
infamous and murderous Countess of Essex and the Dowager
Countess Villiers were the leading stars of the Court, the tone of
morals must have been low indeed. Whilst the ladies were of this
stamp, we cannot expect the gentlemen to have been better, and
there is no doubt but that the honours and wealth and royal favour
heaped on such men as Somerset, Hay, Ramsay, and Buckingham,
made debauchery and villainy quite fashionable. The character of

Englishmen on their travels, Howell tells us, was expressed in an
Italian proverb:—
"Inglese Italianato
E Diavolo incarnato."
"An Italianised Englishman is a devil incarnate." This was said of the
debauched conduct of our young men on their travels. At home they
were a contemptible mixture of foppery and profanity. Buckingham
and the other favourites led the way. We have recorded the
audacious behaviour of Buckingham at the courts of France and
Spain, and the enormous foppery of his apparel. He had a dress of
uncut white velvet, covered all over with diamonds, valued at eighty
thousand pounds, a great feather of diamonds, another dress of
purple satin covered with pearls, valued at twenty thousand pounds,
and his sword, girdle, hatbands, and spurs were thickly studded with
diamonds. He had, besides these, five-and-twenty other dresses of
great richness, and his numerous attendants imitated him according
to their means. They began now to patch their faces with black
plaister, because the officers who had served in the German wars
wore such to cover their scars; and the ladies did the same. Duelling
was now introduced, cheating at play was carried to an immense
extent, and the dandy effeminacy of the Cavaliers was unexampled.
They had the utmost contempt of all below them, and any attempt
to assume the style or courtesies of address which they appropriated
to themselves was resented as actual treason. The term "Master" or
"Mr." was used only to great merchants or commoners of distinction;
and to address such as "gentlemen" or "esquires" would have roused
all the ire of the aristocracy. In proceeding through the streets at
night, courtiers were conducted with torches, merchants with links,
and mechanics with lanthorns.
We may imagine the feeling with which the sober and religious
Puritans beheld all this, and the proud contempt with which their
strictures were received. When the Civil War broke out, which was a
war of religious reform as much as of political, the Puritans displayed

a grave manner, a sober dress, and chastened style of speech; and
the Cavaliers, in defiance and contempt, swore, drank, and indulged
in debauchery all the more, to mark their superiority to the
"sneaking Roundhead dogs."
Charles endeavoured to restrain this loose and indecent spirit, but it
was too strong for him; and though the Puritans put it effectually
down during the Commonwealth, it came back in a flood with the
lewd and ribald Charles II. Charles I. also introduced a more tasteful
style of Court pageants and festivities. Under James all the old
fantastic masques and pageantries—in which heathen gods,
goddesses, satyrs, and giants figured—prevailed. Charles gave to his
pageantries a more classical character, but when the Puritans came
in they put them all down, along with Maypoles, and all the wakes,
and church-ales, and the like, which James had encouraged by his
"Book of Sports." The Court festivals, so long as the monarchy
remained, were marked by all the profusion, displays of jewellery,
and dresses of cloth of gold and embroidery, which prevailed in the
Tudor times. The old-fashioned country life, in which the gentlemen
hunted and hawked, and the ladies spent their leisure in giving
bread to the poor and making condiments, preserves, and distilled
waters, was rapidly deserted during the gay days of James and
Charles, and the fortune-making of favourites.
Merchants and shopkeepers were growing rich, and though they still
conducted their businesses in warehouses which would appear mean
and miserable to City men of to-day, and in shops with open fronts,
before which the master or one of his apprentices constantly
paraded, crying, "What d'ye lack?" had stately suburban houses, and
vied with the nobles in their furniture and mode of living. The moral
condition of the people of London at this period, according to all
sorts of writers, was something inconceivably frightful. The
apprentices, as we have seen, were a turbulent and excitable race,
who had assumed a right to settle political matters, or to avenge any
imagined attack on their privileges. At the cry of "Clubs!" they seized
their clubs and swords and rushed into the streets to ascertain what
was amiss. They were easily led by their ringleaders against any

body or any authority that was supposed to be invading popular
rights. We have seen them surrounding the Parliament House,
demanding such measures as they pleased, and executing their
notions of suitable chastisement of offenders by setting fire to Laud's
house, and breaking down the benches of the High Commission
Court. They were equally ready to encounter and disperse the
constabulary or the City Guard, and to fight out their quarrels with
the Templars, or others with whom they were at feud.
SHOPKEEPER AND APPRENTICE IN THE TIME OF CHARLES I. (See p.
188.)
The riots of the apprentices, however, had generally something of a
John-Bullish assertion of right and justice in them; but the streets
and alleys of London were infested with an equally boisterous and
much more villainous crew of thieves and cut-purses. Pocket-picking
was then, as now, taught as a science, and was carried to a
wonderful perfection of dexterity. All kinds of rogueries were

practised on country people, the memory of which remains yet in
rural districts, and is still believed applicable to the metropolis. These
vagabonds had their retreats about the Savoy and the brick-kilns of
Islington, but their headquarters were in a part of Whitefriars called
Alsatia, which possessed the right of sanctuary and swarmed with
debtors, thieves, bullies, and every kind of miscreants, ready on an
alarm, made by the sound of a horn, to turn out in mobs and defend
their purlieus from constables and sheriffs' officers. Walking the
streets in the daytime was dangerous from the affrays often going
on between the apprentices and the students of the Temple, or
between the butchers and weavers, or from the rude jostling and
practical jokes of bullies and swashbucklers; but at night there was
no safety except under a strong guard. Then Alsatia, the Savoy, and
the numerous other dens of vice and violence, poured forth their
myrmidons, and after nine o'clock there was no safety for quiet
passengers. If we add to this description the narrowness of the
roads and alleys, the unpaved and filthy state of the streets, and
undrained and ill-ventilated houses, London was anything at this
period but an attractive place. The plague was a frequent visitant,
and we are told that kites and ravens were much kept to devour the
offal and filth of the streets, instead of scavengers. In the country,
things were not much better. The roads were terrible, and were
infested by sturdy bands of robbers. In the neighbourhood of
London, Finchley, Blackheath, Wimbledon, and Shooter's Hill were
places of widespread fame for daring highwaymen. It was high time
for the Puritans to come into power, and to put both town and
country under a more wholesome discipline. Cromwell's soldiers,
quartered in various parts of the metropolis, and his major-generals
administering martial law in different parts of the country, soon
altered the face of things. He shut up Spring Gardens, a place of
nocturnal resort for assignations for traffickers in political corruption,
and for various licentiousness; and instead of fellows prowling about
the streets with sweetmeats in their pockets to kidnap children, and
sell them to the plantations, he sent these scoundrels freely thither
themselves. Amongst the gloomy features of this period was the
relentless persecution of old women, under the belief that they were

witches; a practice commenced by James, but continued by the
Puritans, who sent out Hopkins, the notorious witchfinder, who, in
the years 1645 and 1646, traversed the country, condemning and
putting to death hundreds of them, till he himself was accused of
being a wizard, and was subjected to the same fate. From 1640 to
the Restoration, four thousand persons are said to have perished
under charge of witchcraft. In Scotland this terrible practice was
carried on with even aggravated cruelties, in order to extort
confession.
The sports of the aristocracy, gentry, and merchants were much the
same that they had been hitherto. Hunting was the favourite
pastime of James, and therefore was not likely to be neglected by
the country gentry. He was also fond of hawking, and kept alive that
pastime, which was dying out, some time longer. Ball games had
much superseded the jousts and tournaments of other days. Tennis
retained its high favour, and billiards and pall-mall, or striking a ball
through a ring suspended to a pole, were becoming fashionable.
Bowling, cards, dice, dancing, masques, balls, and musical
entertainments varied town life. The common people stuck to their
foot-ball, quoits, pitching the bar, cricket, shovel-board, bull- and
bear-baiting, and cock-fighting. The Puritans put down May-games,
Whitsun-ales, morrice-dances, and all amusements that savoured of
a Catholic origin. They also humanely suppressed, as far as they
could, the savage sports of bear and bull-baiting. Pride and Hewson
killed all the bears at the bear-garden to put an end to that cruel
pastime, and thence originated Butler's "Hudibras." The bowling-
greens of the English were famous, and horse-racing was much in
vogue. In Scotland the Reformation put to flight all sorts of games,
dancing, and merry-makings, as sinful and unbecoming of Christians,
and polemic discussions were the only excitements which relieved
the ascetic gloom.
The interiors of houses were in this period greatly embellished, and
the splendour of hangings of beds and windows had strikingly
increased. Rich velvets and silks embroidered with cloth of gold and
cloth of silver, and coloured satins of the most gorgeous hues

abounded. The cushions of couches and chairs were equally costly,
and instead of the ancient tapestry, paper and leather hangings,
richly stamped and gilt, covered the walls. The Flemish artists had
been called in to paint the ceilings with historical or mythological
scenes, and on the walls hung the masterpieces of Flemish and
Italian art. Carpets were beginning to supersede rushes on the
floors, but were more commonly used as coverings for tables. In
addition to the carved cabinets of oak, ebony, and ivory, and the
richly-covered cushioned and high-backed chairs of the Tudor
dynasty, Flemish and Dutch furniture of somewhat formal but still
elegant design abounded. Superb ornaments of ivory and china had
found their way from the East, and became heirlooms in great
mansions. Altogether, the houses of the wealthy of those times
presented a scene of stately elegance and luxury that has not since
been surpassed.
The costume of the reign of James was but a continuation of that of
Elizabeth. The men still wore the stiff plated ruff, occasionally varied
by a plain horizontal one with lace on its edges. The long peasecod-
bellied doublet continued, and the large stuffed Gallic or Venetian
hose, slashed and quilted, had assumed more preposterous
dimensions from James's timidity; he having both these and the
doublets quilted to resist the stabs of the stiletto. Towards the end of
his reign a change was noticeable. Instead of the long-waisted
doublet there were short jackets, with false hanging sleeves behind;
the trunk hose were covered with embroidered straps, tucked short
at the thigh, and the hose gartered below the knee. We are told how
they covered their cloaks and dresses with jewels on State
occasions. They wore feathers at such times in their hats. Taylor, the
Water Poet, says the gallants of his time

"Wore a farm in shoestrings edged with gold,
And spangled garters worth a copyhold;
A hose and doublet which a lordship cost,
A gaudy cloak, three mansions' price almost;
A beaver band and feather for the head,
Prized at the church's tithe, the poor man's bread."
The old cloth stockings were obsolete, and stockings of silk, thread,
or worsted used.
The ladies of the Court were still in the stiff Elizabethan farthingale,
elevated collar, and hair dressed in the lofty style. Anne of Denmark
was Elizabeth over again. But in domestic life we find the ladies
attired in a far more natural style, without the farthingale, with
falling collars, plain or edged with lace, and the hair with ringlets
falling on each side; and this simple and more elegant fashion
became at length universal in Charles's reign.
The male costume of Charles's time was extremely elegant. At the
commencement of the Civil War no contrast could be greater than
that of the appearance of the Cavaliers and the Roundheads. The
Cavalier dress consisted of a doublet of silk, satin, or velvet, with
large loose sleeves slashed up the front, the collar covered by a
falling band of the richest point lace, with Vandyck edging. The long
breeches, fringed or pointed met the tops of the wide boots, which
were also commonly ruffled with lace or lawn. A broad Flemish
beaver hat, with a rich hatband and plume of feathers, was set on
one side of the head, and a Spanish rapier hung from a most
magnificent baldrick, or sword belt, worn sash-wise over the right
shoulder, and on one shoulder was worn a short cloak with an air of
carelessness. In war this short cloak was exchanged generally for
the buff coat, which was also richly laced, and sometimes
embroidered with gold and silver, and round the waist was worn a
broad silk or satin scarf tied in a large bow behind or over the hip; or
a buff jerkin without sleeves was worn over the doublet, and the
lace or lawn on the boots dispensed with. The beard was worn very

peaked, with small upturned moustaches, and the hair long and
flowing on the shoulders. In contrast to this the Parliamentarians
wore their hair cut short—whence the name of Roundhead—and
studied a sober cut and colour of clothes. The first appearance of
Cromwell in Parliament, described by Sir Philip Warwick, has been
taken as a sufficient specimen of his costume when Protector. But
Cromwell was then but a gentleman-farmer, and appeared in
careless rustic habit. "I came one morning into the House," says
Warwick, "well clad, and perceived a gentleman speaking whom I
knew not, very ordinarily apparelled, for it was a plain cloth suit,
which seemed to have been made by an ill country tailor. His hat
was without a hatband." But no one knew better than Cromwell
what was necessary to the decorum of station, and very different is
the account of his appearance when going to be sworn Protector.
"His Highness was in a plain but rich suit, black velvet, with cloak of
the same; about his hat a broad band of gold."
The ladies' dresses of Charles's time rapidly changed from the stiff
ruffs and farthingales to a more natural and elegant style. With Mrs.
Turner, their introducer, went out in James's time the yellow starch
ruffs and bands, for she appeared, when hanged for her share in Sir
Thomas Overbury's murder, in her own yellow ornaments at the
gallows. But all ruffs grew obsolete in Charles's reign, and a lady of
that day would scarcely be distinguished from a lady of this. The hair
was dressed much as in modern manner, the dress fell naturally
without hoops, and the broad collar lay gracefully on the shoulders.
The citizens' and Puritans' wives, as well as country women, wore
the broad high-crowned hat, and country women appeared still in
plaited ruff, and a muffler over the mouth in cold weather, tied up to
the back of the head. A lady had generally her feather fan in her
hand, as the modern one has her parasol.
Armour was fast disappearing; it was of little use against cannon and
matchlocks. James thought armour a very good invention, for it
hindered a man as much from hurting his enemy as it defended
himself. But in his time little but a cuirass for the body and a helmet
or bonnet was used. To the rest for the heavy matchlock in this reign

was affixed a long rapier blade, called a "swine's feather," or
"bristle," and used as a soldier now uses the bayonet. In the Civil
War most of the officers wore only a cuirass over a buff coat; and
though some of the infantry were almost fully sheathed in armour, it
was soon found to be too cumbersome for rapid movements, and
with the exception of the cuirassiers, who were clad in armour
except the legs, they were seldom defended by more than a back-
and breast-plate, and a head-piece. During the war the cavalry was
divided into cuirassiers, lancers, arquebusiers, carbineers, and
dragoons, according to the different weapon or armour which they
carried,—the cuirass, the lance, the musket, the heavy arquebus, the
carbine, or the dragon, a sort of blunderbuss. At this period the
firelock was introduced by the poultry-stealers of Holland, and called
after them the snaphance, or hen-stealer. The superiority of the flint-
lock over the match- or cumbrous wheel-lock was soon seen and
adopted.
The moral condition of the people, as we have just seen, was at this
period deplorable. The neglect of education left the bulk of the
working class ignorant and depraved, and the long peace which the
reigns of Elizabeth and James maintained had so greatly augmented
the wealth and prosperity of the nation, that the insolence of
illiterate abundance added to the public exhibition of rudeness and
riot. In one respect, however, the whole people had become
enlightened—they had learned very extensively their political rights.
The rise and opulence of the merchants and middle classes, through
commerce and through the confiscation of Church lands, had
impressed them with a feeling of their importance, and led them no
longer to bow and cringe before the nobles, but to claim their proper
authority as the third, and, indeed, the greatest estate. From the
time when Henry VIII. set agoing discussions regarding religious
liberty, and permitted the Bible to appear in good plain English, the
light which sprang up on the subject of human rights was wonderful,
and could never be withdrawn or extinguished. The mistake, as
regarded royal prerogative, was soon seen, and an endeavour was
made to limit the reading of the Bible to the nobles and the learned

only, but it was in vain. Those who had the Scriptures soon spread
abroad knowledge of their great principles, and as the Stuart
government was daily found to be weaker, the sense of popular right
was growing stronger and more general. So soon as Parliament
began to resist the encroachments of the Crown, and even to do it
with arms in their hands, it became necessary to convince the
people at large that their rights were at stake, and to explain what
these rights were. Such knowledge as this could never be taken back
again, and accordingly from this period the principle that all power
proceeds from the people and exists for the people, became the
great fixed sentiment of the nation.
The physical condition of the kingdom, therefore, during the reign of
James, was evidently much improved, and almost justifies the
glowing description of Clarendon, made to set off the mischiefs of
resistance to royalty. "For twelve years before the meeting of the
Long Parliament," he says, "the kingdom enjoyed the greatest calm
and the fullest measure of felicity that any people, in any age, for so
long a time together, had been blessed with, to the wonder and envy
of all other parts of Christendom." It was inevitable that much of this
prosperity must be overthrown, or rather interrupted by a ten years'
fierce contest, like that which arose between the Crown and the
people. That the people were not only severely pressed by taxation
to support this contest, but that they were harassed, plundered, and
had their agricultural operations impeded, and their crops destroyed
by the combatants is certain. Consequently, during the great
struggle, the price of country produce rose extremely. Wheat, which
in the early part of Charles's reign was as low as 44s. a quarter, rose
after 1640 to 73s.; to 85s. in 1648; and in 1649 it was 80s.; but no
sooner was the Commonwealth established, and peaceful operations
were renewed, than it fell as rapidly, being, in 1650, 76s. 8d., and
falling so much that in 1654 it was down to 26s. This was the
lowest, and it averaged during the remainder of the Protectorate,
45s., as nearly as possible its price at the commencement of the war.
Other articles of life rose and fell from the same causes in the same
proportion; the prices of the following articles, except during the

War, may be regarded as the average ones for this period:—A fat
cygnet, about 8s.; pheasants, from 5s. to 6s.; turkeys, 3s. to 4s.; fat
geese, 2s. each; ducks, 8d.; best fatted capons, 2s. 4d.; hens, 1s.;
pullets, 1s. 6d.; rabbits, 7d.; a dozen pigeons, 6s.; eggs, three for
1d.; fresh butter, 6d. per pound. Vegetables, being so little
cultivated, were very dear: cauliflowers, 1s. 6d. each; potatoes, 2s.
per pound; onions, leeks, carrots, and potherbs, dear, but not quite
so high-priced. Mutton and beef were about 3-1/2d. per pound. The
wages of servants hired by the year and kept, were, for a farm
servant man, from 20s. to 50s. a year, according to his qualifications;
those obtaining more than 40s. were expected to be able to do all
the skilled work, as mowing, threshing, thatching, making ricks,
hedging, and killing cattle and pigs for daily consumption. Women
servants, who could bake, brew, dress meat, make malt, etc.,
obtained about 26s. a year, and other women servants, according to
age and ability, from that sum down to 14s. a year. A bailiff obtained
52s. Labourers, or artisans hired by the day, during harvest, had, a
mower, 5d. a day and his food; a reaper, haymaker, hedger, or
ditcher, 4d.; a woman reaper, 3d.; a woman haymaker, 2d.; if no
food was given these sums were doubled. At other times labourers
received from Easter to Michaelmas, 3d. a day with food, or 7d.
without; and from Michaelmas to Easter, 2d. with food, and 6d.
without. Carpenters and bricklayers received 8d. a day with meat, or
1s. without; sawyers, 6d. with meat, or 1s. without; and other
handicrafts nearly the same, through the year till Michaelmas, after
that much less.
The great extension of foreign commerce, and the introduction of
coffee, spices, cottons, and other new tropical produce, increased
the comfort of domestic life. Yet, with all this prosperity, there still
abounded much pauperism and vagabondism. The war naturally had
this consequence—great numbers of the dispersed Cavaliers and
royal troopers taking to the highways, and to a loose and predatory
life. Many parishes, too, were not disposed to burden themselves
with the imposition of the poor laws, which had been strengthened
by various enactments since the 43rd of Elizabeth, and they

therefore drove out of their boundaries the unemployed to seek
work elsewhere. This but increased the vagabondism and pilfering,
and time alone could enable the Government to bring the poor-law
into general operation.
GREAT SEAL OF CHARLES II.

CHAPTER VII.
CHARLES II.
Character of Charles II.—The King's First Privy Council—The
Convention Parliament—Submission of the Presbyterian Leaders
—The Plight of those who took Part in the late King's Trial—
Complaisance of the Commoners—Charles's Income—The Bill of
Sales—The Ministers Bill—Settlement of the Church—Trial of the
Regicides—Their Execution—Marriage of the Duke of York—
Mutilation of the Remains of Cromwell—The Presbyterians
Duped—The Revenue—Fifth-Monarchy Riot—Settlements of
Ireland and Scotland—Execution of Argyll—Re-establishment of
Episcopacy—The new Parliament violently Royalist—The King's
Marriage—His Brutal Behaviour to the Queen—State of the
Court—Trial of Vane and Lambert—Execution of Vane—
Assassination of Regicides—Sale of Dunkirk—The Uniformity Act
—Religious Persecution—Strange Case of the Marquis of Bristol
—Repeal of the Triennial Act—The Conventicle and Five Mile
Acts—War with Holland—Appearance of the Plague—Gross
Licentiousness of the Court—Demoralisation of the Navy—
Monk's Fight with the Dutch—The Great Fire.
Charles II. did not want sense. He was naturally clever, witty, and
capable of a shrewd insight into the natures and purposes of men.
He gave proof of all these qualities in the observation which we have
recorded, at the close of the day when he was restored to his
paternal mansion, that everybody assured him that they had always
ardently desired his return, and that if they were to be believed,
there was nobody in fault for his not having come back sooner but
himself. Yet, with many qualities, which, if united to a fine moral

nature, would have made him a most popular monarch, he was
utterly destitute of this fine moral nature. He had had much, long,
and varied experience of mankind, and had alternately seen their
base adulation of royalty in power, and their baser treatment of
princes in misfortune. But Charles had not the nobility to benefit by
this knowledge. He had familiarised himself with every species of
vice and dissipation. He was become thoroughly heartless and
degraded. His highest ambition was to live, not for the good and
glory of his kingdom, but for mere sensual indulgence. He was
habituated to a life of the lowest debauchery, and surrounded by
those who were essentially of the same debased and worthless
character. To such a man had the nation—after all its glorious
struggles and triumphs for the reduction of the lawless pride of
royalty, and after the decent and rigorous administration of the
Commonwealth—again surrendered its fate and fortunes, and
surrendered them without almost any guarantee. The declaration of
Breda was the only security which it had, and that was rendered
perfectly nugatory by the reservation of all decisions on those
questions to a Parliament which the Court could control and corrupt.
Monk presented to the king a paper containing a list of names of
such persons as he professed to consider to be the most eligible for
the royal service either in the Council or the Ministry. But Clarendon,
who was the king's great adviser, having adhered to him and his
interests ever since his escape to the Continent, perused the
catalogue with no little surprise. It consisted, he tells us, "of the
principal persons of the Presbyterian party, to which Monk was
thought to be most inclined, at least to satisfy the foolish and unruly
inclinations of his wife. There were likewise the names of some who
were most notorious in all the factions; and of some who, in respect
of their mean qualities and meaner qualifications, nobody could
imagine how they came to be named." They were, in fact, such as
had been thrust on Monk by the Parliamentary leaders, who were all
striving to secure their own interests; not even the Presbyterians
foreseeing how severely they were punishing themselves by the
restoration of the monarchy. Monk, on the Chancellor's remonstrance

as to many of these names—amongst which only those of the
Marquis of Hertford and the Earl of Southampton belonged to men
who had at all adhered to the Royal cause—soon let him into the
secret, that they were such as had importuned him to do them good
offices with the king, and that he never intended to do more than
forward the paper, and leave the king to do as he pleased.
Clarendon soon, therefore, made out a very different list of names
for the Privy Council, though he found it politic to insert almost as
many names of Presbyterians as of Royalists, but with the purpose
of gradually changing them.
The first Privy Council of Charles, therefore, consisted of the king's
brothers, the Dukes of York and Gloucester, the Marquis of Ormond,
the Earls of Lindsay, Southampton, Manchester, St. Albans,
Berkshire, Norwich, Leicester, and Northumberland, the Marquises of
Hertford and Dorchester, Lords Saye and Sele, Seymour, Colepepper,
Wentworth, Roberts, and Berkeley, Sir Frederick Cornwallis, Sir
George Carteret, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Sir Edward Nicholas,
General Monk, and Morrice, his creature, who had assisted in the
negotiations with the king, Colonel Charles Howard, Arthur Annesley,
Denzil Holles, and Montague, general, or rather admiral, for as yet
no distinctly naval officer was known—military commanders fought
both on sea and land.
Amongst these Clarendon was Lord Chancellor and Prime Minister,
the Duke of York was already appointed Lord High Admiral, to which
was now added the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports and other
offices. Sir Edward Nicholas and Morrice were joint Secretaries of
State; the Earl of Southampton was made Lord Treasurer, the
Marquis of Ormond Lord Steward, and the Earl of Manchester Lord
Chamberlain. Monk was appointed Commander-in-Chief of all the
forces in the three kingdoms, according to stipulation, and to this
office was now added Master of the Horse, and he was created Duke
of Albemarle, in addition to several inferior titles. His wife, who was
originally a milliner, and after that had been his mistress, now
figured boldly and ambitiously amongst the ladies of the Court.

The Parliament, both Lords and Commons, lost no time in seizing all
such of the late king's judges as survived or were within the
kingdom. The Parliament, which had no proper election—having
been summoned by no lawful authority, but at Monk's command,
and had obtained the name of Convention Parliament—passed an
Act, which Charles authenticated, to legalise themselves,
notwithstanding which it was still called by the old name of the
Convention. Before the king could arrive, however, they had seized
Clement, one of the king's judges, and ordered the seizure of the
goods and estates of all the other regicides. On the king's arrival
Denzil Holles and the Presbyterians—whose resentment against the
Independents, who had so often put them out of Parliament, was
blinded by desire of vengeance to the fact that the Royalists would
not be long in turning on them who had done their best to dethrone
Charles I., though they had not joined in putting him to death—now
went in a body to Whitehall, and throwing themselves at Charles's
feet, confessed that they were guilty of the horrid crime of rebellion,
and implored the king's grace and pardon. Charles affected the most
magnanimous clemency, and advised them to pass a Bill of
Indemnity, which he had promised from Breda. But this apparent
liberality was only the necessary step to the completion of his
vengeance, for the declaration left to Parliament such exceptions as
it thought proper; and in the present complying mood of Parliament,
these exceptions would be just as numerous as the Court required.
Monk had, in negotiating with Charles and Clarendon, recommended
that only four should be excepted, but Clarendon and the king had
long made up their minds that few of the king's judges should
escape; and in this they were boldly urged on by the Royalists, who,
says Clarendon, could not bear to meet the men on the king's
highways, now they were the king's again, who rode on the very
horses they had plundered them of, and had their houses and
estates in possession.
The Commons were as ready as the Court for vengeance against
their late successful rivals and masters; and though Monk again
urged that not more than seven should be excepted on a capital

charge, they decided that ten should be tried for their lives, namely,
Scott, Holland, Lisle, Barkstead, Harrison, Saye, Jones, Coke, the
solicitor, Broughton, clerk to the High Court of Justice, and Dendy,
who had acted as serjeant-at-arms during the trial. They then
requested the king to order by proclamation all those concerned in
his late father's trial to surrender themselves within fourteen days.
About a score felt it much the safest to escape across the sea, but
nineteen surrendered—all, but the ten doomed to death, imagining
they should escape with some minor punishment. But the thirst for
vengeance became every day more violent. The Commons named
twenty more for exception, whose lives were to be spared, but who
were to suffer forfeiture of estate and perpetual imprisonment.
These were Vane, St. John, Haselrig, Ireton, brother of the deceased
major-general, Desborough, Lambert, Fleetwood, Axtel, Sydenham,
Lenthall, Burton, Keeble, Pack, Blackwell, Pyne, Deane, Creed, Nye,
Goodwin, and Cobbett. Moreover, all such as had not surrendered to
the late proclamation were excluded from the benefit of the Bill of
Indemnity.
This sanguinary list, however, did not satisfy the Lords when the Bill
was sent up to them. They had suffered such indignities from the
Independent leaders, that they could not bring themselves to
forgive, and they altered the Bill, voting that every man who had sat
on the king's trial, or signed the death-warrant, should be tried as a
traitor for his life. They went even further, and excepted six others,
who had neither sat nor voted—namely, Vane, Hacker, Lambert,
Haselrig, Axtel, and Peters; and, as if luxuriating in revenge, they
allowed the relatives of several of their own body who had been put
to death under the Commonwealth, amongst whom were the Earl of
Derby and the Duke of Hamilton, to sit as judges. The Commons
accepted the Bill as thus altered, and would have made it still more
atrocious, but Charles, who was extremely pressed for money, sent
desiring them to come to an end with this Bill, and hasten the
money Bill.
The Commons voted the king seventy thousand pounds a month for
present necessities, and then proceeded to pass not only the

Indemnity Bill, but to vote the king a liberal permanent revenue. In
striking contrast to the early Parliaments of his father, they at once
gave him the tonnage and poundage for life. Although this was one
of the chief causes of the quarrel between Charles I. and his
Parliament, and one of the main causes of the war and of his
decapitation, this Parliament yielded the point at once. They,
moreover, ordered that the army, of which Charles was afraid, should
be disbanded, and that the 29th of May should be kept as a day of
perpetual thanks giving to Providence, for having restored his
majesty to the nation. All these favours to Charles they offered with
the humility of men who were seeking favours for themselves, and
being urged by Charles to settle the amount of his revenue
altogether, they appointed a committee of inquiry on the subject,
which decided that, as the income of his father had been about one
million one hundred thousand pounds, his income should,
considering the different value of money, be fixed at the unexampled
sum of one million two hundred thousand pounds per annum. This
income was to be settled by a Bill in the next session.
The question of religion, and the question of forfeited property,
whether belonging to the Crown, the Church, or individuals, was
next brought on, and led to most stormy discussions. The result was
that two Bills were passed, called the Bill of Sales and the Ministers
Bill. By the Bill of Sales all the Crown lands were ordered to be
restored forthwith; but the Church lands were left in abeyance for
the present; the lands of individuals were also deferred to a future
session. The Ministers Bill was intended to expel from the pulpits of
the Church all such ministers as had been installed there since the
Parliament came into power. It did not, however, give satisfaction to
the Church, for it admitted all such as entered on livings legally
vacant at the time to retain them. A considerable number of
Presbyterian clergymen thus remained in possession, but the
Independents were thoroughly excited by a clause which provided
that all ministers who had not been ordained by an ecclesiastic, who
had interfered in the matter of infant baptism, or had been
concerned in the trial of the king, or in its justification from press or

pulpit, should be excluded. Thus the Royalists were incensed at the
Bill of Sales, which they called an indemnity Bill for the king's
enemies, and of oblivion for his friends, and the clergy of the Church
were equally enraged to see a great number of livings still left to the
Presbyterians.
On the 13th of September Charles prorogued the Parliament till the
6th of November, and promised during the recess to have what was
called the "healing question of religion," that is, the settlement of
the Church, discussed by competent parties, and to publish a
declaration on the subject. Accordingly the Presbyterians were very
soon promised a meeting with some of the Episcopalian clergy, and
they were quite willing, seeing that they could no longer have
matters their own way in the Church, to accept a platform of
compromise laid down by Archbishop Ussher before his death, in
which scheme the Church was to be governed by a union of
suffragan bishops and synods or presbyteries, so as to unite the two
great sects. But the foremost prelates and clergy of the Episcopalian
Church, who were resolved to have the whole State Church to
themselves, would listen to nothing so liberal or unorthodox. They
refused to meet the Presbyterian clergy, and therefore Charles
summoned the leaders of this sect to meet some of his chief privy
councillors and ministers, as well as various bishops, at Whitehall,
where Baxter and Calamy again proposed Ussher's scheme, which
was as zealously rejected by the Episcopalians. The Presbyterians
quoted the Eikon Basilike, to show that Charles I. was favourable to
Ussher's plan, but Charles, who knew very well that the book was
Dr. Gauden's, and not his father's, drily remarked that all in that
work was not gospel. But what proved a complete damper to all
parties, was a proposal read by Clarendon as having the king's
approbation, namely, that others, besides the two parties in
question, should have full liberty for religious worship, and should
not be disturbed by magistrate or peace officer, provided they
themselves did not disturb the peace. This was at once felt to mean
toleration to the Catholics as well as the Nonconformists, and was
received with silent repugnance.

On the 25th of October was issued the promised declaration for
healing the strife. It went to unite the Presbyterian form of
government with the Episcopal. There were to be presbyteries and
synods, and no bishop was to ordain ministers or exercise the
censures of the Church without the advice and assistance of the
presbyteries. Presbyters were to be elected deans and canons; a
number of divines of each sect were to be chosen by the king to
revise the Liturgy, and all points of difference should be left
unsettled till this revision was made; and no person should be
molested on account of taking the Sacrament standing or kneeling,
for making or not making the sign of the cross in baptism, for
bowing or not bowing at the name of Jesus, for wearing or not
wearing the surplice. The Presbyterians were delighted at the
prospect thus afforded of free admission to good livings and
dignities; but the Episcopalians intended nothing less than that any
such thing should ever come to pass.
With more earnest intention the Government proceeded to judge the
Regicides, and soon stepped up to the knees in blood. On the 9th of
October the trials commenced at the Old Bailey, before thirty-four
Commissioners appointed for the purpose. True bills were found
against twenty-nine of the prisoners—namely, Sir Hardress Waller,
Harrison, Carew, Cook, Hugh Peters, Scott, Clement, Scrope, Jones,
Hacker, Axtel, Heveningham, Marten, Millington, Tichbourne, Row,
Kilburn, Harvey, Pennington, Smith, Downes, Potter, Garland,
Fleetwood, Meyn, J. Temple, P. Temple, Hewlet, and Waite.
The first man tried was Waller, who pleaded guilty, and had his life
spared; the second was Harrison, the late Major-General. Harrison
was a sincere and honest Fifth-Monarchy man. He said, "I humbly
conceive that what was done, was done in the name of the
Parliament of England; that what was done, was done by their
power and authority; and I do humbly conceive it is my duty to offer
unto you in the beginning, that this court, or any court below the
High Court of Parliament, hath no jurisdiction of their actions." But
all argument was useless addressed to such ears. Sir Orlando
Bridgeman, Chief Baron of the Exchequer, who had the management

of the trials, told the grand jury in his charge that no authority
whatever, either of a single person or of Parliament, had any
coercive power over the king. This man had received very different
treatment under the Protectorate. He had submitted to Cromwell,
who had not only accepted his submission, but had allowed him
privately to practise the law, and in this capacity he had acted as spy
and agent for Cromwell. He continually interrupted Scott, Carew, and
others, when they justified their conduct on the same ground of
Parliamentary sanction. The people, notwithstanding their late
acclamations, could not help raising loud murmurs at these arbitrary
interruptions. The prisoners defended themselves with calm
intrepidity, and when Bridgeman retorted on Carew that the
Parliament that he talked of was the Commons alone, a thing
without precedent, Carew replied, "there never was such a war, or
such a precedent;" and he boldly upbraided Bridgeman with giving
evidence as a witness whilst sitting as a judge. All these were
condemned to death. The clever and facetious Harry Marten made a
most ingenious and persevering defence, and extremely puzzled the
Commissioners. He took exception to the indictment, declaring that
he was not even mentioned in it. When he was shown the name
Henry Marten, he objected that that was not his name, which was
Harry Marten. This was overruled, but he went on to plead that the
statute of Henry VIII. exempted from high treason any one acting
under a king de facto, though he should not be king de jure; that
the Parliament at that time was the supreme power, including the
functions of both king and Parliament; that it was, in fact, the only
authority there was in the country; and that it had from age to age
been contended and admitted that God indicated the rightful power
by giving it victory. Such was the authority that God at the time had
set over them, and under that they had acted. His arguments were
thrown away, and it was on this occasion that the absurd story—a
typical example of many other silly stories that continued to be
circulated for generations—was first given in evidence by a soldier, of
him and Cromwell, on the signing of the death-warrant of the king,
wiping their pens on each other's faces.

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